INSIDE RUSSIA
Moscow will act pragmatically, evaluating the pros and cons to its economy in each case, the Russian president has said
Russia is ready to welcome back some of the Western companies that left its market after the escalation of the Ukraine conflict, as long as it serves Moscow’s economic interests, President Vladimir Putin has stated.
Back in 2022, numerous US, European, and Asian companies pulled out of Russia, citing supply problems brought about by the sweeping Western sanctions imposed on Moscow, as well as fears of secondary sanctions or public relations fallout.
Speaking during a meeting with Russian business leaders on Tuesday, Putin said that “we need to look at how [these companies] have behaved.” Those who “have been rude, insulted us” should be denied the right to re-enter the Russian market, he said.
Commenting on suggestions that a simple apology from other firms would be sufficient, the Russian president replied, “Well, no. This is clearly not enough.” He explained that shrewd Western business executives would readily offer apologies if they were interested in returning to the Russian market.
“This is not enough. We absolutely must consider all these issues from a pragmatic viewpoint,” Putin stated.
“[If] it is in our best interest that some company or another comes [to our market], then we need to let it in. I’ll put it simply: If not, we need to find a thousand reasons why it shouldn’t be here,” he clarified, adding that the vast majority of such reasons would be in line with the World Trade Organization’s guidelines.
In March, Putin ordered the Russian government to draft clear, tight regulations for Western firms seeking to return to the country’s market, that would prioritize the adequate protection of local businesses.
Speaking to reporters last Thursday, President Putin’s investment envoy, Kirill Dmitriev, revealed that “some firms [that have left the Russian market] are already returning. It’s just that there is no publicity around it.”
Late last month, figures by Russia’s patent office, Rospatent, indicated that McDonald’s submitted more than 50 trademark applications at the end of 2024, covering food items and beverages. Some commentators suggested that it might point to the American fast-food chain’s plans to return to the country.
Also in April, TASS, citing Rospatent filings, reported that South Korean automaker Hyundai had also registered at least eight new trademarks in Russia.
In March, LG Electronics confirmed it had resumed operations at its home appliance plant in Moscow. Italian household appliance manufacturer Ariston also announced its return to Russia around the same time.
Ukraine Talks: US Cowboy-Style Bravado and European Threats Won’t Work Against Russia
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Istanbul talks is a step in the right direction, Slovak MEP Lubos Blaha tells Sputnik, outlining the different approaches of Russia and the West.
“For Russia and most ordinary Russians, [the Ukraine conflict] is seen as a continuation of the Great Patriotic War – a struggle to save the Russian world,” Lubos Blaha says, adding that Moscow won’t back down from Ukraine’s de-militarization and de-Nazification goals.
“For the West, the conflict… is an attempt to gain something at Russia’s expense, a partial step toward their ultimate goal – the complete removal of Russia from the global stage as a geopolitical competitor,” the lawmaker continues.
Both Russophobic European elites and American “cowboys” do not understand Russia’s position and believe they can “deceive, outmaneuver, and trick [Moscow],” according to Blaha.
However, “while Americans play poker, Russians play chess,” the pundit stresses. “Has the West finally realized that it has run into a concrete wall – one that lies beyond Russia’s final red line? In this situation, neither bravado nor threats will work.”
IN BRIEF: Putin’s key statements at a meeting with the Business Russia association
Private business is writing the “success story of the Russian economy,” the President noted
MOSCOW, May 13. /TASS/. It will not be enough for Western brands that have left the Russian market to simply apologize in order to return, President Vladimir Putin said at a meeting with the members of the Delovaya Rossiya (Business Russia) Association.
He also noted that the Russian business should not fear threats of new sanctions against Russia, but it is necessary to understand their possible consequences and be prepared for them. According to the President, Russian business “meets the requirements of today” both socially and patriotically.”
TASS has assembled the key statements of the head of state.
On national economy
Thanks to the efforts of businesses, the national economy “shows stability and is developing,” Putin noted.
Russia has managed to significantly adjust its estimate of GDP growth for last year by 0.2 percentage points – to 4.3%, which is also important, he said.
Private business is writing the “success story of the Russian economy,” the President noted.
On Ukrainian conflict
The Kiev authorities are conducting forced mobilization, “people are being caught on the street like dogs”.
Meanwhile, “as 50,000-60,000 people a month come to the Russian armed forces themselves”.
On possibles return of Western companies
The way in which foreign companies left the Russian market will be taken into account by the authorities when assessing the prospects for their return to the country.
“We need to look at how companies behaved. Some were rude, insulted us – well, let them stay away then, nuts to them,” Putin said.
The President noted that by 2019, the Russian agricultural sector began to cover all basic needs and the domestic companies began to ask the authorities not to let Western food products back in.
Putin noted that some countries are cheating with the requirements of the World Trade Organization (WTO). “They all [say]: “This and that cannot be subsidized.” But hidden subsidies are coming in huge quantities and creating huge preferences, including in our market,” he said.
Russian brands are appearing in hundreds and thousands, the quality of the products is often better that that of foreign ones, Putin noted.
He stressed that apologies from Western brands will not be enough to return to Russia: “We must definitely look at all these issues from a pragmatic point of view,” he said.
Russia will pick and choose which foreign brands it lets back into the country based on a cost/benefit analysis, only opening the gate for companies who bring value to the country.
“If there is value for us to allow this or that company to come back, we should let it in,” Putin said.
Russia will be guided by its national interests when deciding whether to let Western brands return to its market.
“And if something needs to be taken into account from the point of view of the interests of our business community, first of all, we will focus on your interests, on the interests of our businesses,” Putin said.
On threat of new sanctions
The Russian business and authorities should not be afraid of new sanctions, but they must be prepared for everything.
“We must not be afraid. Whoever starts to be afraid will immediately lose everything,” the President said.
The world’s largest economies are sliding into a recession, just to harm Russia, he noted.
“Of course, we must keep this in mind – that they can do what they are talking about. And of course, we must at least minimize the negative consequences,” Putin said addressing business leaders.
Putin doesn’t think it’s too smart that Western countries are willing to damage their own nations just to spite Russia.
“A lot of what they’re doing hurts them. It seems that they wouldn’t do certain things because it harms their interests. But they do it anyway, dimwitted – oh, excuse me, please,” the President said.
On inflation
High inflation is one of the main problems of the national economy today, Putin said.
According to him, the authorities need to weight down the inflation in such a way so as “not to freeze the economy itself.”
“It is necessary to carry out such a soft, small “landing” [of the economy], which would allow us to achieve a situation in which the Central Bank would lower the key rate,” the President explained.
The Bank of Russia sets requirements for banks, including to combat inflation: “This is such a very subtle thing. And why does the Bank of Russia do this? This is one of the ways to combat inflation.”
In Russia, they are actively working to attract investors’ funds. “We have created the conditions – we have increased insurance guarantees for citizens.”
On pension funds
Russia must ensure the safety of pension funds when investing this money.
“It is clear that these funds, these companies of ours, which hold considerable money from our pensioners, sometimes find it difficult to figure things out. But now I have a request to the Central Bank, and to the government, and to the administration to help these funds figure things out, to develop some kind of instrument that could give some advice, <…> and support, to take on some part of the risk,” Putin said.
OUTSIDE RUSSIA
Moscow reacts to UN aviation agency’s MH17 vote
The investigation into the downing of MH17 was deeply flawed, Russia has said
Russia has rejected the UN civilian aviation agency’s claims that it was responsible for the 2014 downing of the Malaysia Airlines flight over eastern Ukraine. Moscow insisted that the Dutch-led investigation into the incident was politically motivated and relied on “questionable” evidence submitted by Kiev.
“Moscow’s principal position remains that Russia was not involved in the crash of MH17, and that all statements to the contrary by Australia and the Netherlands are false,” the Foreign Ministry said on its website on Tuesday.
The statement came after the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) voted that Russia failed to uphold its obligation to “refrain from resorting to the use of weapons against civil aircraft in flight.”
Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) was shot down in eastern Ukraine on July 17, 2014, killing all 298 people on board, most of whom were Dutch, Malaysian, and Australian nationals. The incident occurred as Ukrainian troops were attempting to retake the self-proclaimed republics of Donetsk and Lugansk, which voted to secede following the Western-backed coup in Kiev. The two entities later voted to become part of Russia in September 2022.
In 2015, the investigation – conducted by the Netherlands, Australia, Belgium, Malaysia, and Ukraine – concluded that the plane was shot down by a Soviet-era Buk surface-to-air missile system delivered by Russia to the Donbass militias. Moscow denied providing heavy weapons to local forces and argued that the aircraft was hit by a version of the missile used by Ukrainian, not Russian, troops. It also criticized its exclusion from the investigation.
The Foreign Ministry condemned the ICAO Council’s decision as politically motivated, alleging “multiple procedural violations.” It said the ICAO ignored “ample and convincing factual and legal evidence” submitted by Russia to demonstrate its non-involvement in the shootdown.
“The conclusions of the Dutch investigation were based on the testimonies of anonymous witnesses – whose identities were classified – as well as on questionable information and materials submitted by a biased party: the Security Service of Ukraine,” the statement read.
The Foreign Ministry added that Ukraine should ultimately be blamed for the tragedy because Kiev “launched a military operation in Donbass under the false pretense of combating terrorism.”
Speaking to reporters on Tuesday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that, because Russia was not part of the investigation, it “does not accept biased conclusions.”
SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION IN UKRAINE
Moscow names topics for Istanbul talks with Kiev
Ukraine’s inability to negotiate, however, makes it hard to predict if the meeting will yield results, Russia’s deputy FM has said
Moscow wants to discuss a “sustainable settlement” with Kiev during possible upcoming talks in Istanbul, including the recognition of formerly Ukrainian territories as an integral part of Russia, Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov has said.
The senior diplomat spoke with reporters about the proposed meeting on Tuesday, explaining that the issues Moscow would bring up are effectively “the same” it has in the past and largely concern the goals of Russia’s special military operation against Ukraine.
“They have been on the agenda all the time – how to ensure a reliable, sustainable settlement of the situation, first of all, by addressing the very roots of this conflict, resolving issues related to the denazification of the Kiev regime, ensuring recognition of the realities that have developed recently, including the entry of new territories into Russia,” Ryabkov stated.
The deputy minister was apparently referring to Kherson and Zaporozhye regions, as well as Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics, which were incorporated into Russia in late 2022 following a string of referendums. In the aftermath of the 2014 Maidan coup in Kiev, Crimea also opted to break away from Ukraine, joining Russia via a referendum shortly after.
The senior diplomat refrained from making any prognosis on the potential outcome of the proposed talks, but stressed that Moscow is committed to negotiating “seriously and responsibly.”
“It is premature to make any predictions. The question should be addressed to the sponsors of the Kiev regime and Kiev itself. Are they ready to negotiate? We have a strong impression that with the current approach, these figures can be characterized by their inability to negotiate,” Ryabkov said.
Russian President Vladimir Putin offered to resume direct negotiations on Sunday. He insisted that the settlement process must start with talks, and that negotiations could ultimately lead to “some kind of new truce and a new ceasefire.”
The offer has received a mixed reaction from Kiev and its backers, who continued to say that negotiations must be preceded by at least a 30-day truce. The proposal, however, was backed by US President Donald Trump, who urged Kiev to “immediately” accept it. Following Trump’s statements, Ukraine shifted its position, and leader Vladimir Zelensky announced his readiness to meet with the Russian president “personally.”
On Tuesday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov refused to comment on the prospect of Putin’s personal participation, confirming only that a Russian delegation will be “waiting” for the Ukrainian side in Istanbul on Thursday. Peskov did not disclose who exactly would represent Russia at the meeting, since he said he had not been authorized to say.
Kiev wants to trade civilians for neo-Nazis
Dozens of Kursk Region residents were captured by Ukrainian forces during a cross-border incursion last year
Ukraine is stalling the return of civilians captured in Russia’s Kursk Region to use them as bargaining chips in a potential swap for fighters from the notorious neo-Nazi Azov unit, the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) has said.
Dozens of captured civilians remain in Kiev’s custody following its incursion into Russian territory last August. Ukrainian forces captured several towns and villages before being pushed back. On April 26, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the full liberation of Kursk Region, saying Ukraine had suffered heavy losses.
In a statement issued on Tuesday, the SVR cited intelligence suggesting that Kiev plans to delay the civilians’ return “for as long as possible.” People close to Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky, it added, see them as a “valuable asset” that could be exchanged for “something more substantial from Moscow than wounded and unfit-for-combat prisoners of war.”
According to the agency, Kiev hopes to leverage the detainees in talks to secure the release of fighters from the Azov brigade – a nationalist unit designated a terrorist organization in Russia – who have been convicted of serious crimes.
Originally formed as a volunteer unit of radical nationalists, Azov rose to prominence following the 2014 Western-backed coup in Kiev, reportedly becoming a central part of an international white supremacist network. The Ukrainian government incorporated it into the National Guard the same year.
As of March, more than 140 Azov members had been convicted by Russian courts, according to Investigative Committee head Aleksandr Bastrykin.
The SVR said Kiev is “cynically” exploiting the fact that Russia has no similar “trump card” in the form of captured Ukrainian civilians and claims this increases its chances of “forcing the Kremlin to play by their rules and agree to exchange the Kursk civilians for Azov fighters.”
In March, Ukraine released more than 30 civilians, mostly elderly, along with four children. Russia’s human rights commissioner, Tatyana Moskalkova, said at the time that Moscow would continue pressing for the return of all the remaining detainees.
Last October, she reported receiving over a thousand inquiries from families searching for missing civilians.
The Russian Investigative Committee has reported incidents of looting, arson, and shootings of civilians by Ukrainian troops during the incursion.
INSIGHTS
Fyodor Lukyanov: Russia doesn’t need Western approval to shape global history
The parade, the past, and the rise of a post-Western world
The 9th of May Victory Day celebrations in Moscow once again captured international attention – despite the many other global events vying for the headlines. This wasn’t simply about pageantry or military symbolism. The Red Square parade was, as always, a statement: a public expression of one country’s position in the evolving global environment. Whether critics will admit it or not, events like this provoke reactions – and that in itself signals relevance.
Eighty years after the end of the Second World War, the memory of that conflict is being viewed through new lenses. It was, undeniably, a world war – its consequences reshaped the international order. The creation of the United Nations was its most formal legacy, but the broader historical impact extended far beyond. The war marked the beginning of the end for the colonial system. From the late 1940s onward, decolonization accelerated rapidly. Within three decades, colonial empires had all but disappeared, and dozens of new states emerged across Africa, Asia, and elsewhere. Their paths varied, but they fundamentally changed the structure of global politics.
Looking back from 2025, one could argue that this wave of decolonization – driven by the global South – was no less historically important than the Cold War or the bipolar superpower confrontation. Today, the role of the so-called “global majority” is expanding quickly. These nations may not dominate the international system, but they increasingly form a vibrant, influential environment in which all global actors must operate.
The presence of guests from Asia, Africa, and Latin America at this year’s parade in Moscow was a symbolic confirmation of that shift. It signaled that the world has definitively moved beyond the Cold War structure, which framed international life around a North Atlantic-centric axis. Equally important was the fact that this reconfiguration was highlighted in Moscow – through Russia’s own initiative. It reflected not just commemoration, but transformation. A similar event is expected in Beijing in September to mark the end of the war in the Pacific theater. Together, these ceremonies highlight how the geopolitical center of gravity is gradually shifting away from its traditional Western base.
As time distances us from the largest war in human history, its meaning doesn’t diminish. On the contrary, it reappears in new forms. Like it or not, memory has become a political force. It increasingly defines which community a country belongs to. Each nation has its own version of the war – and that’s to be expected. This isn’t revisionism. It’s the natural result of different historical experiences shaped under different conditions.
There will never be a single unified narrative of the past, and attempts to impose one are not only unrealistic but dangerous. The focus should be on finding compatibility between differing interpretations, not enforcing uniformity. Using memory as a political weapon erodes the foundations of peaceful international coexistence. This issue is particularly relevant for the global majority, which may one day voice its own historical claims more loudly – especially against former colonial powers in the West.
In this context, the growing divergence between Russia and Western Europe over the legacy of the Second World War cannot be ignored. Efforts to preserve and defend Russia’s interpretation of the conflict are vital – not to convince others, but for domestic coherence and national identity. Other countries will write their own histories, shaped by their own interests. That cannot be controlled from the outside. The real issue is whether differing historical narratives can coexist. And on this front, it turns out that Russia has a far more productive engagement with many countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America than with most in Europe.
Many of these countries have their own war stories – ones that align more naturally with the Russian perspective. Unlike in the West, particularly in Europe, where the memory of the war has become a political wedge, countries in the global South tend to see history less ideologically and more as a shared human experience. Even parties in Western Europe that are ostensibly more sympathetic to Russia, such as the Alternative for Germany, are likely to hold radically different positions when it comes to questions of historical memory.
If we simplify the picture, the previous world order was built on the shared memory and outcomes of the Second World War. That order is now gone – and so is the consensus that supported it. The current global situation doesn’t amount to a new order in the traditional sense, but perhaps a new equilibrium can emerge. This equilibrium won’t be based on universal values or unified narratives, but rather on peaceful coexistence among diverse interpretations and interests.
Irreconcilable historical differences will remain a source of tension – particularly between Russia and the West – but differing perspectives need not always lead to conflict. With the global majority, Russia finds more space for mutual respect and constructive interaction. These countries do not seek to overwrite Russian memory; they have their own, and they don’t clash. That opens the door to new relationships and partnerships, grounded not in conformity but in compatibility.
What we are witnessing is the slow dissolution of the Western-centric worldview. In its place is emerging something far more complex and diversified. This shift is not merely the result of the current geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the West, but a reflection of deeper structural changes. It is an objective process – and, for Russia, a potentially advantageous one.
As a transcontinental power, Russia has more flexibility than any other state to operate in a multidirectional, multi-civilizational world. The new international environment – whatever form it ultimately takes – will not be shaped by a single hegemonic center. And that reality will force everyone, including Russia, to adapt.
But adaptation is not the same as subordination. On the contrary, Russia’s unique historical identity and geopolitical position may allow it to thrive in this emerging world – not by conforming to a Western blueprint, but by helping to build something more balanced, inclusive, and representative of the world as it actually is.
